Burkina Faso: Safety Priorities for Burkina Faso’s New Transition


After the second coup in 9 months, divisions within the military and safety forces have to be urgently resolved.

On 30 September, disgruntled military officers staged a coup that toppled Burkina Faso’s transitional army chief Lieutenant-Colonel Paul-Henri Damiba. Eight months earlier, Damiba had himself taken over after deposing civilian president Roch Marc Christian Kaboré.

The newest revolt was reportedly sparked by anger over further funds to particular forces linked to Damiba. The state of affairs highlights deep divisions in Burkina Faso’s safety equipment that complicate the transition to constitutional rule. The coup additionally compounds insecurity as a consequence of rising violent extremism within the nation.

Captain Ibrahim Traoré led the latest coup and took over as interim chief. He accused Damiba of failing to revive safety within the nation and deviating from the imaginative and prescient of the Patriotic Motion for Safeguard and Restoration – the junta in place since January. Damiba’s conciliatory posture in direction of former president Blaise Compaoré and people allied to him was deemed as undermining the junta.

Divisions stem from privileges given to Compaoré’s Presidential Safety Regiment over different army models

Damiba’s elimination and the tensions which have simmered since then increase the potential of clashes between officers loyal to him and people of Traoré. Battle has thus far been stalled by the intervention of conventional, spiritual and neighborhood leaders, however tensions stay between officers from rival camps.

The divisions stem from Compaoré’s institution of the Presidential Safety Regiment within the military and the longstanding privileges given its officers over different army models. His coverage of favouritism and clientelism made regiment officers higher educated and geared up than their colleagues. The safety and survival of Compaoré’s regime was the final word purpose, which meant army coverage and follow weren’t benefit primarily based. This led to deep-seated resentment amongst numerous ranks and insubordination and division in most models.

In October 2017, the federal government’s nationwide safety discussion board, comprised of safety forces, civil society and political events, highlighted these divisions and referred to as for complete safety sector reform. This wasn’t wholly supported by Kaboré, who was cautious of a military politicised by his predecessor. Reform efforts tended to be hasty and inconsistent and did little to restructure the safety sector.

Kaboré’s administration handed the army programming legislation in 2017 and legalised self-defence teams such because the Volunteers for the Protection of the Homeland. In 2020 it shaped ‘cobra’ models devoted to combating terrorist teams. The next yr, a nationwide technique to stop violent extremism and a nationwide safety coverage had been adopted. Nonetheless, these piecemeal measures lacked coherence and didn’t unite the nation’s safety forces in opposition to armed teams.

When Damiba took energy in January, no makes an attempt had been made to enhance previous insurance policies and practices. Regardless of asserting a governance audit of the armed forces to enhance their functioning, there was no follow-up. And the investigation into the Inata assault of November 2021, throughout which 53 gendarmes died, was by no means accomplished.

When Damiba took energy in January, no makes an attempt had been made to enhance on previous insurance policies and practices

There was virtually no progress on safety sector reform, and violent extremism in northern Burkina Faso continued. In Djibo within the Sahel area, violent extremists imposed a seven-month blockade and carried out assaults. A 26 September assault destroyed a convoy carrying provides to town, highlighting the federal government’s lack of ability to take care of the safety and humanitarian state of affairs.

Choices in regards to the basic reorganisation of the armed forces and their employment additionally deepened tensions and undermined the military’s chain of command. For instance, in February, a nationwide theatre operations command centre was created with out enough readability about its reporting traces to the military’s chief of workers. This led to battle within the mobilisation of troops in opposition to terrorist teams.

Relations between the military and the gendarmerie are strained following the latter’s refusal to undergo the military chief of workers. Not solely are the nationwide police and paramilitary our bodies marginalised, however particular forces have been confined to defending state officers as an alternative of engaged on counter-terrorism. Latest promotions to the rank of basic, which had been perceived as ‘items’ to officers allied with Damiba, additionally heightened tensions.

Including to the state of affairs are persistent rumours within the army because of the lack of transparency across the selection of strategic companions, collaboration with neighboring nations, and the technique for dialogue with terrorist teams.

The absence of a cohesive safety sector has severely undermined Burkina Faso’s capability to take care of the pressing drawback of violent extremism. The nation’s new authorities should break from previous practices which have fueled tensions and divisions within the military, police and different safety buildings. Complete safety sector reform is important to instil belief and confidence among the many numerous models, increase morale and restore unity.

The absence of a cohesive safety sector has severely undermined capability to take care of terrorism